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A tradition under change: Marriage in Estern Bhutan
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Type of Cross Cousin Marriages
Why Cross Cousin Marriage?
Genetic Debate Scientifically
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Serga mathang and serga khothkin in Eastern Bhutan
Type of Cross Cousin Marriages

Matrilateral Cousin Marriage
A man marries his mother's brother's daughter. The kinship term given to maternal uncle's daughter is serga mathang. A mother's brother is termed as serga ajang.

Patrilateral Cousin Marriage
This is another common marital tradition in which a man marries his father's sister's daughter. A daughter of paternal aunty is again termed as serga mathang and her mother as serga ani (golden aunty). A jocular Bhutanese saying, "a nephew can claim all his golden aunt's daughters even if the number is hundred", suggest wryly that matrilateral cross cousin marriages are not unusual, especially in eastern and central Bhutan.

Bilateral Cross Cousin Marriage
Bilateral cross cousin marriages are not as common as patrilateral or matrilateral cross cousin marriages. It occurs only in certain social situation of arranged marriages where two men marry each other's sister. Such marital relationship is common in societies of Brokpa and Dakpa.

Parallel Cousin Marriage
Parallel cousins, the children of two same sex siblings, are treated as one's own brother or sister in Tsangla kinship structure. The parallel cousins are termed as ata or kota (brother) and ana or usa (sister).

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Why Cross Cousin Marriage?

The positive aspects of marrying one's own cross cousins are what keeps this practice going on. The majority of illiterate people have a notion that marrying outside their community is not an ideal norm. Unlike a community where exogamy is favoured, kinship in Tsangla group is so intertwined due to internal marriages.

It is said that almost all the people in a village bears consanguineous relation both through lineage and marriage alliances, enhancing their feeling of oneness and social unity. There is also another rule that channels individuals into marriages within particular groups. For example, in a remote village in southern Trashigang, there is chungnyen which is a symbolic engagement between cross cousins in their childhood. After their symbolic engagement, the level of social cooperation between the two families get widened.

People are well aware of economic advantages involved in consanguineous marriages. A restriction of marriages within close relatives, such as first cousins, avoids family property from going outside their own circle. It has ensured the transmission of land and property from parents to their children, which would otherwise be fragmented. However, this does not happen all the time. If a land or property is to be exclusively bequeathed to their children without fragmentation, then cousin couples must inherit the properties from their respective parents.

The parental property is not necessarily bequeathed to the children who are married to their consanguineously related kin. This is the case when one of the two parents of a cousin couple chooses to leave their property to one of their sons or daughters who is married to an outsider. Thus, marriages among children of brother and sister do not guarantee the continuity of keeping the inheritance within the relations. Nonetheless, this marriage is common in the pastoral societies of Brokpa and Dakpa to maintain integrity of family herds and is a motive to concentrate property and personnel within narrow groupings.

A cross-cousin marriage enriches the emotional lives and cultural experiences of the people. A brother and sister may have emotional attachment to one another since they are siblings of the same parents "sharing same blood and bone". On the other hand, despite their attachment to each other as brother and sister, they can become isolated as independent families as soon as they get married and receive their parental share of resources.

Their affections for each other won't be as strong as when they were living together with their parents in earlier parts of their life. The emotional bonding to each other can be enhanced through marriages of their children to one another. Through marital relinking of their children, the ties and understanding between families are intensified; each family renders support to other in times of need and urgency.


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Genetic Debate Scientifically
In order to avoid marital discontentment, the parents usually initiate cross cousin marriages among their children. Most of them are skeptical about their children marrying strangers, or someone who belong to different social groups in distant regions. They believe that somebody who belongs to their own group is a best mate for their son or daughter because they have substantial knowledge about him or her as potential spouse of their child. The character, property status and family situation of their prospective bride or groom would be known before actual marriage is proposed and arranged. People from Gomdar, for example, are particular about their social structure.

Their children are not married into inferior families. Families' status is differentiated according to "bone quality". They believe that some people possess good bones. Bagi khang (forehead bone), dhon khang (banshee bone), nongshing khang (langur bone) and rolong khang (zombie bone) are some of categories that ambiguously differentiate people in those places. It is also believed that women of dhon khang are unusually beautiful.

An egoist view of their extreme loveliness is revealed by saying, "even if my bone is not equivalent to yours, my beauty can make me equal to you". This is an expression a beautiful woman uses when she is unable to marry a man from higher strata. Thus, another probable reason for discouraging marriages with outsiders.

Each normal person is said to possess twenty or more potentially defective genes. There is an equal number of healthy genes that represses the function of bad genes. These abnormal genes remain inactive under normal circumstances. Cousins are expected to have the same genes passed down to them from their common ancestors.

A cross cousin marriage increases the chance of these bad genes getting paired in their offspring. A combination of potentially bad genes inherited by married cousins means unhealthy trait in a child. Pairing up of good genes in an offspring of married cousins may result in good traits and health but not as good as those of unrelated couples. However the fact that cross cousin marriage doesn't produce abnormalities in children stands in support of it.

A fundamental explanation for birth or genetic defects associated with a child of cousin couples is given in the following example. Let us say that meme Tashi carries gene "T" which is rare in the population. This gene is specific to him and chances that others might inherit it is restricted to his direct descendants. His son, Penjor, has 50% chance of carrying the gene. Subsequently, meme Tashi's grandson will have 25% chance of becoming a carrier of his gene.

If first two cross cousins who possess meme Tashi's rare gene marry, a chance that these genes might combine and express their characteristics is high.

If a common ancestor has no genetic disease, then marriage among cousins is as safe as among others. On the contrary, if meme Tashi carries an inactive genetic disease, there is high probability that his son will inherit the quiescent form of this defective gene. Suppose Penjor marries his paternal aunt's daughter, who has same defective gene as his, combination of their genes may lead to an active disease in their offspring. However, if Penjor marries someone who is not related to him by blood, a bad inactive gene may not express its characteristics in his children.

Cross cousin marriages also prevent crossing over of different genes. The same genes get crossed over generation after generation without any new introduction. This may lead to a group characteristic among those living in the same geographical region. A Bhutanese author has attributed a high rate of cretins in lhop community to internal marriages. This can be partly true considering the genetic effects of consanguineous marriage. It is, however, inadvisable and perhaps wrong to make such conclusion without taking into account the other factors such as physical environment, dietary habits and their lifestyles.

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Conclusion
Conclusion Serga mathang custom is still practiced to varying degrees in eastern, central and southern Bhutan. People are increasingly of the view that marriages based on individual choice is better and lasting. The idea of cousin marriage is not so compelling now with the trend of rural urban migration, rapid orientation of the rural people to new ideas, and transformation of a traditional joint family system into a nucleated one. Socio-economic advantages related to cross cousin marriage are significant enough for smaller social groups to keep this tradition going but the outside influences are strong enough to undermine the existence of this custom.

At this juncture, one must not ignore that such marital practice might have been designed to maintain the integrity of a small social system that makes the bigger society to which it belongs also strong.

Author: Lham Dorji, Researcher of the Centre for Bhutan Studies
The Journal of Bhutan Studies
This article was contributed by KUENSEL, Bhutan's National Newspaper
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